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Posts published in April 2026

Culture war

I can imagine how the majority of the legislators we have elected reacted to the news article again putting Idaho at the bottom for K12 spending per student. I’ll bet most of them cheered and a lot of you Idahoans did too.

Maybe even Brad did too. We’ll never know, since he won’t speak up about this issue in an election year. He’ll comfortably win the primary and then easily win the general. He’ll be like Butch Otter, a three term Idaho Governor on his Wikipedia page with no real accomplishments of note.

Like Butch, he hasn’t chosen to make any tough stands. I guess he knows the political landscape of us wimpy Idaho voters. He sees us as sandy sagebrush and cheat grass.

Not me. I live up here on the Palouse.

Idaho is mountains and rivers. And desert and canyons. Why don’t we vote tougher? Maybe we just don’t care about the value of courage. Maybe we don’t care about the value of education and getting our kids to learn to think wisely for themselves.

Butch’s toughest stand was to yell across the parking lot to the Speaker of the House to kill the mandatory ultrasound bill. Women wanting an abortion would be required by law to have an ultrasound, probably a vaginal probe, before it could proceed. Idaho lawmakers were mandating a health care procedure. He stood up as he yelled over the tops of the parked cars, and the Speaker listened. Scott Bedke, now our lieutenant governor killed the bill.

Us Idahoans want courageous leaders, don’t we? Is that courage?

Butch did get braver. But it didn’t cost him anything. He endorsed Medicaid expansion in the last weeks of his last term. When citizens had gotten it onto the ballot, and it was looking like it might pass, he jumped on board. Thanks Butch.

So maybe bravery will come in the final weeks of Brad’s third term.

Our Christian Nationalist legislators are crowing about Idaho to their followers on social media. They are bragging that we have insured Medical Freedom and tax dollars for their Christian Nationalist schools. And they are proud that the liberal, woke public schools are cut to the bone. They are hoping their fellow oppressed rich white folks will move here to Idaho to vote for them. They already have.

So us reasonable Idaho folks, Democrat, Republican have a choice.

I am an Idaho Democrat.

But I have voted for Idaho Republicans.

Some of you Idaho Republicans even voted for me. That’s the only way I could get elected in this district.

We should be talking. We should not be afraid of the cultural warriors. For that is what they want, us to be afraid of their brandished sword of abortion, illegals, woke, liberal, you chose the hot button label.

The only way we are going to have a reasonable conversation is to start sharing our goals.

I thought Brad had a good one. Let’s make this state a place where our children can grow and thrive.

And he followed it up with increased funding for public schools. But it was wimpy.

We are in a hole. Idaho needs some vision.

Maybe your vision is that we need protection from transgender folks. Or we need to get rid of the illegals. Maybe we just need to deport the woke, liberal, socialist Antifas.

I raised my daughters in this state. I wanted them to thrive. I wanted them to be able to afford to buy a house. I wanted them to have good schools for their kids to go to. I wanted them to feel proud about Idaho.

Heck, these mountains, these rivers, the forests, these deserts make me proud. I love them.

We need to agree on what we value. We need to build a community.

 

Idaho gives

Are you ready for the Super Bowl?

Not THAT Super Bowl. I’m talking about the Idaho Gives campaign, which runs May 4-7. It is the Super Bowl … the Stanley Cup finals … and the Olympics for more than 700 nonprofits throughout the Gem State that rely heavily on this campaign to help with their good works.

The MVP trophy is a foregone conclusion. It goes to the Idahoans who put their generosity on full display. Idahoans have donated $33 million since the campaign started in 2013. Last year, Idahoans contributed a record $5.1 million to the campaign. The goal this year is $6 million.

Don’t bet against Idaho making that lofty goal.

“Last year, we found that 85 percent of the nonprofits found at least one new donor,” says Evin Bask, senior philanthropic impact director for the Idaho Community Foundation.

Not surprising. The list of nonprofits is like a giant shopping mall for charitable giving. In my year of writing about nonprofits, I have run across so many people doing things to make this state, and world, a better place – and that’s just a small sample of what’s out there.

I’ve written about the Women’s and Children’s Alliance, which helps so many families through the trauma of domestic violence. There are “Angel Wings” in Weiser who transport cancer patients to doctor appointments. Panhandle Special Needs of Sandpoint helps produce “normal living” for people with mental disabilities … and a Health Coalition of Teton Valley, which helps people through a variety of mental challenges. I ran across the Village of Hope (Coeur d’Alene), which provides resources for foster families. And I had the honor of talking to real heroes from the Wildlife Firefighters Association and Idaho Mountain Search and Rescue.

Granted, there are some (a very few, actually) that may have controversial political or philosophical leanings. But there are no “eligibility cops” at work here. Leave that to the secretary of state and IRS to determine what’s a nonprofit.

For the charity shopper, Bask says, “There are all sorts of flavors out there, and it’s up to donors to determine the causes they want to support.”

Colin Mannex, executive director of Moscow’s Kenworthy Performing Arts Center, is one who appreciates what Idaho Gives provides.

“As the most active historic theater in Idaho, we’re proud to celebrate 100 years of movies and live arts. Idaho Gives has been a very important part of our annual programming for almost a decade,” he said.

“Idaho Gives affords an unparalleled opportunity to reach folks spanning ages and various interests who all share the same desire to preserve the arts and cultural scene in Moscow,” he said. “When we hit the giving season, we go all out with special community programs that appeal to different audiences each night.”

This year, KPAC is opening with a staged reading of ‘Our Town’ (May 4) and closing with a ‘Groove for Good’ jazz concert to benefit local nonprofits (May 7).

With grassroots support, he says, “we’re constantly chipping away at essential upgrades like a new sound system, new popcorn machine and a complete marquee restoration. Next up, we’re going to install a wall-to-wall 40-foot screen and a 4K projector that will provide the best old-school moviegoing experience in the Intermountain Northwest.”

That’s one example of how Idaho Gives has contributed to the quality of life in the Gem State. Bask, in her work, sees many other examples.

“The nonprofit sector does so much to make Idaho a great place to live, We keep saying that you can’t go more than a city block to see the impacts from the nonprofit sector – whether you are skiing at Bogus, going to the Morrison Center, or walking downtown and seeing people housed in shelters,” she says.

“Our nonprofits are filling some critical gaps in our community, and Idaho is a greater place to live because of that.”

She certainly hits the mark there.

Chuck Malloy, an Idaho native and long-time journalist and columnist, is a volunteer writer with the Idaho Community Foundation’s Nonprofit Center. He may be reached at ctmalloy@outlook.com

 

Rejecting the troika

April 12 saw the beginning of the unraveling of a chummy troika of strongman rule among Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Hungary’s Victor Orban and America’s Donald Trump. Over the past decade or so, each leader has been in a different stage of gaining complete control of all levers of power in their respective countries. Hungarian voters dealt Orban a massive election loss on the 12th, derailing his quest for unlimited power.

Putin began consolidating power in Russia after the turn of the century and achieved absolute control following his first invasion of Ukraine in 2014. Victor Orban started his journey to tyrannical rule upon being elected as Prime Minister of Hungary in 2010. He became Putin’s closest friend in the European Union and used the Russian tyrant’s playbook to tighten his grip over Hungary to the point of establishing a dictatorship.

Russia is a kleptocracy where Putin and his cronies have gained massive wealth through their control of the economy. Orban followed suit in Hungary. He helped his son-in-law, Mészáros L?rinc, become a billionaire. Not to be outdone, Donald Trump and his family have doubled their fortune to about $10 billion since his election in 2024. Trump is now negotiating with his own IRS to settle a seriously flawed lawsuit he filed against that agency to collect $10 billion. An obvious case of self-dealing.

Trump has been very close to both of the wealthy tyrants. He has consistently agreed with them on numerous things, including disparagement of NATO, Putin’s war against Ukraine and elevating the economic and political rights of the favored few.

What does a freedom-loving population do when it experiences its voting, economic and other precious rights being eroded away by a strongman. The Hungarians have shown the way–organize, demonstrate and vote. The April 12 emasculation of Orban was not a surprise to me. I was electrified by the Hungarian desire for freedom when I was just 14 years old.

There was great fear in America in the mid-50s about a potential war with the Soviet Union. Kids in school were drilled to respond to a Soviet atomic attack by hiding under their desks. When news came out that Hungarian students and factory workers had risen up against their Soviet masters in October of 1956, I was captivated and inspired. I studied every news report about the Hungarian Revolution and prayed mightily that the freedom fighters would win.

It first appeared that the revolution might succeed. Our Radio Free Europe had been urging the captive nations in Eastern Europe to throw off their Russian chains and we had implied that we would help. After that initial encouragement we did not lift a finger for them, which was absolutely heartbreaking for this 14-year-old. As it turned out, the Soviets responded with crushing force on November 4, 1956, killing thousands of brave Hungarians and installing a repressive leader.

That, however, is not the end of the story. I traveled to Hungary in 1964 to see how things stood. Almost everywhere I went, you could see that the embers of freedom were still burning. The guides, border guards and many folks on the street were friendly and pleased to see Americans. Some made guarded, but favorable, reference to the uprising. It was a marked contrast to the gloomy atmosphere and armed military presence I encountered in East Berlin and Czechoslovakia, which were also under Soviet occupation. While the uprising failed, the Soviets applied a lighter touch of suppression in Hungary because of it.

Hungary was finally freed of Russian control when the Soviet Union crumbled in December of 1991. The country enjoyed a period of democracy until Orban began turning it into a dictatorship. The legacy of the Hungarians’ desire for freedom gradually grew in response, resulting in Orban being cast from power by a two-thirds vote in the April election–too much to overturn with false claims of election fraud.

The other two members of the strongman troika should take heed. Putin has such a strong grip on power that it may be hard for Russians to topple him, although the populace has become restive because of the over million dead and wounded suffered in his Ukraine war. It is not too late, however, for Americans to take heart from the Hungarian freedom-lovers and forge our own rebirth of freedom during this 250th commemoration of our casting off the chains of the British monarch.

The US has a tradition of freedom more deeply ingrained than the good people of Hungary. Americans need to organize, resist and vote to reject the repressive agenda being imposed by America’s member of the strongman troika. If Idahoans can defeat Trump’s Idaho enablers–Senator Risch and Congressmen Fulcher and Simpson–we can undercut his hold on power. It’s all in the hands of Idaho’s freedom-loving voters.

 

Subtle choices for Oregon Republicans

As happened four years ago, Oregon’s Republicans have a lot of choices in putting forward a nominee for governor. Those may be subtle and tactical choices.

The number of contenders is a little smaller this time but not by much: 14 Republicans are in the field. More practically, however, only four are really in the hunt. A consensus view would list Christine Drazan, a state legislator and 2022 Republican governor nominee; Ed Diehl, a state legislator and a leader of the anti-transportation tax referendum; Chris Dudley, a businessman, former Portland Trail Blazer and 2010 GOP gubernatorial nominee; and Danielle Bethell, a Marion County commissioner, as front-runners.

You can get a sense of this by checking the online betting markets, like Polymarket. There (as of April 15), you could buy a bet for 46 cents that Drazan will get the nomination. Ed Diehl is close but trailing at 39 cents, while Chris Dudley is a more distant third at 18 cents. Chances for everyone else sell cheap for around a penny or less.

But how do, or might, Republicans think about their choices?

Before getting to that, you might consider the messages delivered by the four top contenders at their first debate this year, sponsored by the Oregon Republican Party on April 16 at Hillsboro.

As you would expect from Republican candidates, there was plenty of criticism of Democrat Tina Kotek, on the economy, housing and homelessness, tax limits or their reduction, public safety and other issues. Much of the criticism seemed to center, though, not on the subjects being addressed but on how well (or in their view poorly) the administration is handling them. In Dudley’s neat frame, “it seems like every time Governor Kotek makes something a priority, it gets worse.” Or Bethell’s even simpler, “They fail at everything.” But all four made similar points.

Specific remedies were less abundant. Everyone said the state over-regulates, and a few laws (the Corporate Activity Tax most prominently) were singled out for repeal. But the main affirmative action suggested by the candidates was stronger oversight.

The debate was no aberration from the candidates’ fuller message; their campaign websites conveyed similar thoughts.

In all, the candidates sounded more like Republicans from the Vic Atiyeh era than from 2026. Donald Trump, whose presence utterly dominates current political discussion (whether for or against), and not least at the state government level in dozens of ways, was MIA from the debate. These four candidates seem never to have heard of him. Their relative take on the Trump Administration was very nearly a blank; the name “Trump” was (so far as I could tell) totally unmentioned through the whole debate.

The closest they came were blink-and-you’ll-miss-it passing mentions by Drazan of deporting people in Oregon who aren’t in the country legally and of transgender issues, and Diehl supporting some new timber-related federal forest policies.

But many other top-of-mind subjects also went unmentioned, from AI to data centers to abortion to spiking power rates to the in-state activities of Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers to the spread of contagious diseases to possible changes in Oregon’s system of voting.

The candidates took largely the same approach on nearly everything they did discuss – no really sharp differences emerged between them — and anyone looking to make a choice based on policy stances would be left at a loss.

What remains are some of the distinctions more personal to each of the contenders.

Drazan was the nominee four years ago, retains the appeal she had then, came close to winning and was broadly thought to have run a good campaign. The counter would be that she didn’t, in fact, win, and Kotek’s incumbency (and the targets it affords) would be her main additional advantage now.

Dudley came closest among Republican nominees in recent years to winning, in 2010, and has a cutting argument that the problem with Salem can’t be solved by Salem people, but rather by an outsider (like him). But 2010 was a long time ago in political terms. He has spent most of the years since out of state (maybe he was too much of an outsider?), and his ties and connections do not seem especially strong now. And now as then, detailed policy assessments don’t seem to be his strong suit.

Ed Diehl has led a so-far successful referendum effort on transportation taxes (he has an identity on his signage as “Ed no tax Diehl”), and does have ideas on other subjects including the environment and public safety, but will that be enough to convince Republicans he can win in this blue state?

Bethell can and does point to significant personal experience at the Marion County local level in a range of subject areas, but attracting enough statewide support to come out on top seems like a reach.

So, Republicans have a choice on May 19. But the information behind it is likely to be limited.

This column first appeared in the Oregon Capital Chronicle.

 

The most dramatic faceoff

Tuesday’s election in Virginia over adopting a redistricted - gerrymandered - congressional district map was, whatever else, dramatic. As the vote trickled in over a couple of hours, it stayed close almost always, and while the “no” side narrowly led most of the time, the “yes” side eventually prevailed.

Idaho doesn’t have a lot of election nights like that anymore, but the primary election about a month from now does have some unpredictability about it, and some races that could be close in the Republican primary, where most of the action will be.

A bunch of contests have emerged pitting two clear sides against each other, mainstream candidates against the harder-edged contenders aligned with the state party structure. Both have scored wins in recent years; in 2024, the state party side seemed to get the better of it. This year, especially in the Magic Valley, we’ll see if a pushback attempt succeeds.

One of those contests stands out for the stark choices involved and the unmistakability of whatever the voters decide. That is the race for the Senate in District 6, which includes Moscow, part of Lewiston, and rural areas around them.

It’s a district that in theory might have been designed for something resembling moderation, but has not turned out to be. Moscow is nearly central, but its university community is offset by a large religious group development. The district’s senator is third-term Republican Dan Foreman of Moscow. His challenger is Lori McCann of Lewiston, a Republican House member appointed in 2021 and elected twice since.

Don’t let the party label fool you: They could hardly be more different, a description with which they’d both probably agree.

Foreman’s history doesn’t sound like the makings of a political success story, though he’s been elected repeatedly in a competitive area. Reportedly, he has shouted at constituents (notably students) who tried to talk with him at the Statehouse; among other things he was reported as saying “abortion is murder.”. He has said of his home area, “Latah County, particularly the university, greater Moscow area, is a cesspool of liberalism.” During a candidate forum in the 2024 election he told a fellow candidate, a member of the Nez Perce Tribe, to “go back to where you came from.” (Foreman has denied saying it, but others at the meeting said he did.)

His legislative record is, mostly, on the edge of where even current Idaho Republican caucuses are willing to go. He does not support any space between church and state, considers climate change a “scam” and has introduced legislation to make abortion first degree murder. The whole record (including in the recent session acting against a measure designed to cripple the Idaho Education Association) is a little more complex than that, but you get the drift. He has been well liked by the state Republican organization and the influential Idaho Freedom Foundation.

McCann, on the other hand, has been a backer of public schools and higher education and notably the University of Idaho - usually an ordinary thing in a district home to a large state university, but not a given these days. She was quoted: “Some Idaho legislators believe higher education should be defunded. I do not.” (She was quoted as saying Foreman’s IEA bill actions were motivated by the upcoming primary election against her.) She has been a defender of public libraries too, and generally has not joined in the culture wars that have attracted so many Republican legislators in recent years.

For her actions in some of these areas, local and state Republican organizations have criticized her and even set up a “platform enforcement” hearing to decide whether she had been sufficiently faithful to the state Republican platform.

All that is background to her complaints about being able to work with Foreman, or even talking with him: “We can’t get in to see him. We’re not getting replies back.”

Two well-established Republican legislators in the same district so sharply at odds in policy and approach make for a highly unusual primary contest. The results will have a lot to say about what this section of Idaho is all about.

And something to say about in general too.

 

Invest

It’s hard to know how to frame this, since most of you and I’m sure none of our elected officials give a rat’s behind.

We have a problem here in Idaho. It’s not the trans folks recruiting your grandchildren. It’s not the flags flown by cities. It’s not the liberals you despise and would prefer to deport instead of the “illegals”.

It’s about providing good health care to rural and frontier communities. Our legislature has no clue. They could be helping. But they are not. Clueless.

Do you want our rural communities to thrive?

Do you want a young working family to have the security to have a baby in their small town? Do you want small towns to sustain and grow? Maybe you think we should all just move to the big city. Boise, Meridian, Caldwell, Nampa, all so wonderful.

Family doctors have tried very hard to serve this state. Understand, family doctors treat from the cradle to the grave. OB/Gyn’s treat “female” problems including pregnancy, though some have excused themselves from that burden.

Heck, most family doctors excuse themselves from treating pregnancy and birth. It’s a pain. You can’t have a beer or go to elk camp if you are the doctor for an expectant mother in a small town.

But some vital, courageous family doctors do in our small towns. They suffer for us. And what do our legislators do? They further burden them.

Why aren’t we helping these heroes?

Think about it.

Small hospital, barely getting by, can’t afford to recruit or pay professionals, nurses, anesthetists, to do the work. You need a team. Our legislature cuts their funding.

Women are pregnant, they need care. The local family doc does their best. Labor begins. Something happens. Baby needs to come out. Surgery can solve it. Shouldn’t we want these remote practitioners to have our support? So that young, energetic young families can see these small towns as a possibility? Can’t we build a future for rural Idaho? Instead, we protect them from trans people. So brave we are.

Family doctors deliver more babies than OB/Gyns in rural Idaho. Family doctors look at OB care and blanche. Who will help me?

We need to be helping each other here. You folks down in Boise worrying about your avocado toast need to understand a pregnant woman in Stanley, Kamiah, Winchester, Athol, Mackay is in a quandary.

Maybe you think they just shouldn’t be there. Maybe they will think that too. So you just don’t care about rural Idaho. Do you, Brad?

What does our Idaho legislature and our governor think about this?

I’ve told you before I voted for our Governor because he said he wanted to make this a place where our children could thrive.

I have a daughter who teaches in this state, and he just signed a bill that is making her consider moving elsewhere. Shame.

Our elected officials, from the Governor down to our legislators, none are paying attention to the problems we all face.

From housing we can afford, to schools for our children, to day care so we can work, to health care so we won’t go bankrupt, to having a baby in a safe place.

They don’t care.

It would take just a small investment to help family docs be good at delivering and maybe c-sectioning babies in rural towns.

But investment means taxes, and Idaho just wants to cut them.

Our current Idaho leaders don’t want to invest.

Investment means you believe in the future. Investment is the process of deciding what our future should look like. Investment is a commitment. That’s what it means to have a baby.

Why aren’t we investing in having babies in Idaho?

 

Overcoming divisions

If I were asked to draw a map of the United States, using only the outlines of the 48 contiguous states, I'd have to give it some thought.

As a child in school, so many years ago, I could whip one up in short order.  But, now, as a grown-up, some eighty-years later, the same project would take a lot more time.  More thought.

Because this nation is divided.  No.  It's more like fractured.  Red vs Blue - rural vs urban - gay vs straight and still, to our shame, Black vs White.  And Brown.  And Yellow.

We've even got folks who want to redraw state borders to fit their political beliefs.  Make part of Oregon part of Idaho.  Or, make part of California a piece of Oregon.  Never gonna happen.  But, they're out there and they'll keep making noises.

Long ago, I quit saying the Pledge of Allegiance.  "One nation."  "Liberty and justice for all."  I just can't do it.

Same for parts of the National Anthem and "America, the Beautiful."  "...Alabaster cities."  "Brotherhood."  "From sea to shining sea."  Our seas haven't been shining for at least a hundred years.  "Brotherhood" is in short supply.  And I challenge anyone to find an "alabaster city." Been to downtown Portland or Seattle lately?

The oft-repeated words of our anthems and the pledge just don't square with the reality out there.  We can mouth the words or sing the tunes.  But, the words have become descriptive of some other country where "brotherhood" and "shining seas" exist.  Maybe Norway, Sweden or Finland.

Please don't get me wrong.  We're blessed with our Republic - our democracy.  I have strong, positive and loving feelings for my country - for our way of life.  But, both are in danger of being lost if we continue to walk our current, widely divided pathways.

Maybe the strongest division we must overcome is the rural vs urban.  Eastern Washington vs West of the Cascades.  Eastern Oregon vs West of the Cascades.  Northern Idaho vs Southern Idaho.

Or Eastern Idaho vs the more populous Western Idaho.

Many of us have lived in both urban and rural environments at one time or another.  And, we've found there's something to be said for both.

But, somehow, we're pitting one against the other - economically and politically.  We believe someone else is getting more than we are.  Someone else is getting more benefit - more dollars - more recognition.  I heard a lot of that living in Eastern Idaho.  "Those guys in Boise" most often claimed.  Now, I live in small town Oregon so it's "those guys in Portland."

Maybe the most divisive issues are political.  Like people wanting to redraw Idaho's Western border clear over to the Cascades and South to California.  It's notable they made a little detour around Bend which most rural Oregonians think is a hotbed of "liberals."  Another made-up division.

Abe Lincoln was the guy who said a "house divided against itself cannot stand."  He certainly headed a nation deeply divided in 1865.  More than any other accomplishment, he laid the groundwork to bring North and South together as much as was possible at the time.  Even though we still have that division in some small, angry Southern corners.

We must get past these divisions, whatever they may be.  We've got to rid ourselves of divisive politicians and their false rhetoric.  We need new, younger voices vying for political leadership and others socially and culturally.  We need to accept - and understand - whatever differences there may be, get past them and concentrate on things that bind us.

We need to work hard on the "brotherhood," "shining seas" and the "alabaster cities."  We had 'em once.  We've can have 'em again.

 

Courage and quiet leadership

A quiet, well-respected Republican Senator recently exhibited something extremely rare in present-day politics—leadership and courage. At a time when extremist political groups are doing their level best to shove money into the campaigns of culture warriors who will do their bidding, it is a calculated risk for honest legislative candidates to stand up for reasonable, responsible policies. There are more votes in getting people riled up over fake issues, than in responding to the actual needs of the public.

When a cut-to-bone budget bill that would hurt his rural constituents came to the Senate floor on March 13, Senator Jim Guthrie of McCammon knew he had to stand up and speak out to protect his people. Guthrie knew it was likely to pass but feared the damage it would inflict on working families in his district and across the state. His factual and impassioned speech brought the draconian bill to a screeching halt on a 10-25 vote, with 18 GOP Senators joining him in opposing it.

Among other things, Guthrie argued that the budget problem was largely “self-inflicted” because the Legislature dished out $450 million in tax cuts last year, then made additional tax cuts this year, and refused to use $1.7 billion in the state’s rainy day fund to fill the budget gap. He correctly pointed out that every agency, except the Legislature, was being cut. “We’re not taking a pay cut; we’re not compromising our benefits.”

Guthrie is certainly not a showboat, but he has a tremendous impact in his quiet way as Chair of the Senate State Affairs Committee. One of his jobs is to act as sort of a gate keeper to winnow out divisive, nonsensical pieces of legislation that are only introduced to score political points. That is a time-honored function of committee chairs. If there is adequate support for a bill, it can make its way to the Senate floor for a vote.

Guthrie has become a top target of the culture-war extremists. They have no use for legislators who refuse to bow to their will. The Idaho Freedom Foundation (IFF) gives Guthrie low ratings because he strongly supports Idaho’s public schools and higher education. Last year he voted against forcing taxpayers to subsidize private and religious schools, mostly in urban areas, to the tune of $50 million. His constituents get virtually nothing from this voucher scheme. He has also irked the IFF by standing up for farmers whose livelihoods depend on immigrant labor.

The culture war groups have been supporting a primary opponent who will do as they wish. David Worley, a Christian nationalist, is running against Guthrie in the May primary. His main claim to fame is being relieved of his command in the Idaho National Guard in September 2024. He was found by the Assistant Adjutant General of the National Guard to have demonstrated counterproductive leadership that reduced morale, eroded trust and showed little respect for others. An officer has no business trying to influence the religious views of the troops.

In January 2025, Worley filed a 138-page lawsuit against the National Guard and Governor Little, claiming religious discrimination. Worley’s attorneys included Liberty Counsel, often considered to be a Christian nationalist law group. The suit was filed in the federal court in Idaho, seeking reinstatement to his position and compensation. The Attorney General’s office, representing the Governor, asked the judge to dismiss the case because Worley’s claims were “based on a non-existent policy concocted by” Worley. The judge apparently agreed and issued an Order on February 12, dismissing the entire case.

Despite his staff’s dim view of Worley’s lawsuit, Attorney General Labrador has just endorsed Worley’s primary challenge against Guthrie. Labrador claims the guy who “concocted” a lawsuit against the state will, in his words, “bring integrity, courage, and common sense to the Senate.” More likely, Labrador shares the Christian nationalist views that Worley would bring to the Legislature.

It should not be forgotten that Labrador has cozied up with Christian nationalists since taking office three years ago. He has worked in tandem with a group much like Liberty Counsel to advance the Christian nationalist legal agenda. The Alliance Defending Freedom, which has been listed as a hate group, has teamed up with Labrador on several culture war lawsuits, which raises real ethical concerns.

Labrador’s endorsement of the opponent of a sitting Senator is also concerning. The Legislature is a client of the AG and individual members should not have to worry about the State’s top legal officer targeting them.

Despite the badmouthing by Labrador and Worley, I think Guthrie’s willingness to stand up for rural values will serve him well in the primary election. The voters are desperate for courageous public servants who are not afraid to demonstrate real leadership.

 

A measure of independence

Just how deep the antipathy — in Oregon at least — toward both major political parties actually is, may be tested seriously in this year’s elections.

The test may not involve outright wins and losses, but the percentages will be worth watching.

What’s new is the changed electoral strategy of the Independent Party of Oregon, the state’s third largest with 154,862 registrants. That’s not a huge portion of all Oregon voters, well behind the Democrats’ 981,358 and the Republicans’ 730,080. But considering that both major parties have been declining and trail the number of nonaffiliated voters — about 1.2 million — you have to wonder what the attraction of IPO candidates, on the part of disaffected Ds and Rs, might mean.

Up to now in its nearly two decades of existence, the IPO has focused on cross-endorsing candidates, supporting either Democrats or Republicans who meet with the centrist group’s approval. In a March 26 statement, the IPO noted “In 2022 and 2024, the party sided heavily with Democratic legislators in the Oregon House and Senate, helping the Democrats to secure their current majorities through highly successful campaigns in legislative swing districts.” How large the IPO’s role in that actually was could be debated.

This year, though, the IPO changes strategy, running its own candidates under its own banner. Some cross endorsements might still be announced this summer, but the party described that prospect as: “if any.”

The party’s focus now is on five legislative races, with nominees — already named in the party’s caucus process – who have some local profile or even local political success. They’re not complete unknowns, as so many minor party contenders are.

The most prominent was the first of the group to be nominated, in January: Charlie Conrad, who as a Republican won the 12th House District seat (parts of Lane and Linn counties) in 2022, in a clearly Republican area. He broke with the caucus on transgender and abortion issues and lost the 2024 Republican primary with only 17.2% of the vote against Darin Harbick, who went on to win the general election and now is seeking a second term.

So what are Conrad’s chances as an Independent? The unknown element is the nature of local Republicans, who four years ago did vote for him. Do they stick fiercely with the party or do enough break off, together with non-GOP voters, to give him a chance? There is a Democratic candidate too, Amber Smith. How many votes will she get (past elections suggest not enough to win) and how many might break for Conrad if he looks like a serious competitor?

The other IPO contest among the five which features an incumbent targets Democratic Rep. Susan McLain of Forest Grove, most prominent in recent years on transportation issues. She is well established politically, having held her seat since her first election in 2014 (and was a Metro councilor before that), and was unopposed in 2024. This year she has a primary challenger, but no Republican opponent.

The IPO has nominated Brian Schimmel of Forest Grove, a city council member there and long active in area non-profit groups. Absent a Republican contender in the fall, and with the contentiousness of transportation finance this year, might he be able to pull enough support from the center to beat the veteran Democratic legislator? The answer again lies partly in the question of party loyalty.

Two of the open seats among the five now are held by Republican senators disqualified from running again because they participated in a lengthy walkout.

In the 6th Senate District, a heavily Republican area including part of Lane and Linn counties, Cedric Hayden’s departure drew three Republican candidates (current Rep. Jami Cate, R-Lebanon, and Nicole De Graff and Jack Tibbetts) and Democrat Sierrah Williams.

That seems to limit the opening for the IPO candidate, Patrick Starnes, who was an IPO candidate for governor in 2018 and has run as a Democrat as well. Still, his message centered on affordability and breaking down the party structures could have some resonance.

The other disqualified Republican senator in this group, Suzanne Weber of Tillamook, won her seat four years ago in a competitive district. The area is closely enough matched that when state Rep, Cyrus Javadi of Tillamook this term switched parties from Republican to Democrat, the electoral outcome this year is not clear. Regardless, it is likely to have ripple effects of some kind.

Both the Republican and Democratic primaries are competitive. But the IPO also has an entry: Melisa Finkle of Rockaway Beach, described as “a state employee and union leader focused on rural healthcare, transparency, and worker advocacy.” The large number of non-affiliated voters in the 6th Senate District may make her run significant.

Finally, the IPO has a candidate in the 40th House District in the Oregon City area, scene of many tight races. The seat now is held by Annessa Hartman, a Democrat who won two years ago with 55.8% of the vote. Hartman, who is battling cervical cancer, has temporarily stepped back from politics, and two Democrats and two Republicans have filed to replace her.

The IPO candidate here, Pat Hubbell, a pharmacist focused on medical-related issues, may have the least obvious path to a general election win among the five IPO contenders. But in this close-call district, with no incumbent and the outcome of the primaries uncertain, the impact of his presence on the ballot may be hard to predict.

Five case studies. Maybe the non-major party registrants break the way they usually do. But this fall, when we parse the numbers, we’ll get our best chance in a couple of generations to find out.

This column originally appeared in the Oregon Capital Chronicle.