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Posts published in May 2026

Uninsured

May 14, 2026

I know how this feels. We were a young family with cheap, weak, barely any health insurance. I was a medical student. My wife worked nights as a janitor.

We bought the cheap health insurance through the medical school. But it cost more than we paid in rent.

Our doctor accepted the weak payment. But then our baby got sick. And the insurance would not cover “preexisting conditions”. She was born with this problem, and it was making her very sick.

So I know the burden of this lousy health care system we have cobbled together. It seems it’s just to make the doctors rich, and the health insurance CEO’s and the hospital CEO’s and enrich the venture capital companies buying and selling our risk pools.

Nobody seems to care about us. Not Joe Biden, not Donald Trump, not any Democrat or Republican I could name. Surely none of Idaho’s congressional delegation gives a shit about the basic comfort, the basic need for decent health care access.

Idaho ranks 12th in the nation for the most uninsured citizens. And we expanded Medicaid. Almost all the states 11 and up, didn’t. We did what we could. More needs to be done.

Over 12% of Idahoans have NO HEALTH INSURANCE. One in eight. Next time you’re at McDonalds, look around. If you are reading this, I’ll bet you have health insurance. Lots don’t. Maybe it’s not fashionable in this culture we are developing to think about those around us who might have less.

But when you have a sick baby, who keeps getting infections, fevers, damaging her organs, what are you supposed to do?

The Christian Nationalists would say charity.

And that’s what we got. Charity. They scanned, diagnosed, and hospitalized and operated. And the social worked sat down with us and said, “Don’t worry, this will be paid for.”

Charity is wonderful. We felt blessed. The burden dropped off. We received more care for our infant than I could have gotten from selling our car, my motorcycle, my medical books. They would have been a drop in the bucket.

So, is your vision that we should have a system that grants charity? If a deemed recipient is granted, they get the largess of the wealthy, the endowed?

I wonder what would have happened if me and Martha had been East County trailer trash. Charity?

Poor communities have Go Fund Me’s and jars by the check out.

The burden we have created to access health care harms.

The young family with the sick child might wait. Charity is a burden, and unreliable, though honorable.

It seems like we are afraid to throw open the doors.

None of you conservative Republican Idahoans want to have this conversation. Heck, most my wealthy liberal Democratic friends don’t either. What’s the problem? It’s just ten percent you idiot, why are you worried about them?

Because I was in that ten percent. I’m not now, but I was. And I remember.

You probably know a similar story. Doesn’t this make you want to solve this?

Our Governor appointed a Director of the Department of Health and Welfare who cut kids off Medicaid health insurance at a record rate. Idaho jumped to SECOND in the nation (behind Texas) for uninsured children. Are you proud Brad?

Maybe you are happy about this. Maybe you think people shouldn’t have children unless they can provide for them.

This is a very important conversation we need to be having. I don’t mean to offend you. I mean to inspire you. We have a very serious problem right here. And it doesn’t seem any of our politicians we elect based on our Fox News or CNN feed give a shit.

It’s time we decided what’s important. And we let them know.

 

2.5 million reasons

2.5 million reasons

May 13, 2026

As any store manager can attest, retail is a tough business, and good help is hard to find.

Not so much with Bizarre Bazaar, Sandpoint’s “upscale resale store,” which is celebrating 20 years of operation. Bizarre Bazaar, the flagship fund-raiser for the Community Assistance League (CAL), is staffed by volunteers and the store items are donated goods. Unused items are offered to other thrift stores.

“The store is like walking into a boutique,” says Sherry Fulton, who has been involved with the store since it opened. “We sell gently-used linens, household items, men’s and women’s clothing. We also have crafts … there are no other craft stores, and extensive used books. There are some incredible donated items.”

“And a pair of jeans costs $5,” she says.

Money from the sales go back into the community in the form of educational scholarships and grants to local nonprofit organizations. CAL has been around for 46 years, according to Joyce Price, the board president, and the list of beneficiaries is long.

“This year, CAL expects to distribute more than $225,000 to local students and community programs,” Price said. “Over the past 20 years, Bizarre Bazaar has helped generate more than $2.5 million in funding for the community. Bizarre Bazaar plans to continue serving the community for many years to come. Ten years ago, CAL established an endowment fund through the Idaho Community Foundation, ensuring that its support for students and nonprofits will continue for generations.”

The kind of generosity and spirit I see from those associated with CAL is part of what makes North Idaho such a special place.

Lindsey Hughes, board president for Sandpoint Area Seniors, Inc. (SASi), says that CAL has given her nonprofit organization more than $60,000 over five years.

“CAL supports not only our nutrition program through grants for fresh food and produce, but it has been instrumental allowing SASi to provide an inviting center where seniors gather (including installation of a cooling and heating system). At Christmas-time, CAL brings generous gift bags for seniors who are home-bound. The community impact is immeasurable.”

Tone Stolz, executive director of Pend Oreille Arts Council, says her nonprofit has been a partner with CAL since 1992, and CAL has been instrumental in the success of the Kaleideoscope Visual Arts Program.

“Without this program, there would be no art classes in any of the elementary schools in Bonner County. Their support means the world to us,” she says.

Debbie Love, executive director of the Bonner Community Food Bank, expresses similar sentiments. Support from CAL helped with the purchase of a walk-in cooler and a scale for weighing donated items.

“They’ve truly strengthened our ability to serve our neighbors with dignity and care,” Love says. “They are the kind of organization you can call upon in times of need and trust that they will be there. I’ve experienced that firsthand.”

Mariah Decker, head coach and executive director of Unique Center for Athletes of Needs (UCAN), says CAL over the years has provided “thousands of dollars in funding that directly impacts our daily operations. Their support allows us to invest in essential equipment and compensate instructors who create meaningful, consistent programming to our athletes.”

As Decker well points out, CAL’s impact goes well beyond her nonprofit organization.

“I’m reminded of a quote that reflects who they are,” Decker says. “Never doubt that a small group of committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that we ever had (Margaret Mead). That is exactly what CAL represents, a group of dedicated, caring individuals working to make Sandpoint and the surrounding communities stronger.”

Chuck Malloy, an Idaho native and long-time journalist and columnist, is a volunteer writer with the Idaho Community Foundation’s Nonprofit Center. He may be reached at ctmalloy@outlook.com

 

The wrong kind of help

May 11, 2026

Attorney General Raul Labrador recently accused Eric Smallwood, the Chairman of the Twin Falls School Board, of breaking the law. In a letter dated April 23, 2026, Labrador accused Smallwood of being a lawbreaker for urging school employees at a January 5 meeting to help public education by voting in the May 19 primary election.

Labrador admitted that Smallwood did not name any candidates, but alleged that two disfavored candidates could be identified if audience members would research the margins of victory of candidates in the 2024 election. If they could find two candidates who won by 782 and 1,247 votes, respectively, they would know who did not deserve their vote. My view is that the letter is what we often characterize as “hogwash” and that Labrador has done even more blatant electioneering to support his political soulmates.

I’m quite familiar with the law referenced in Labrador’s letter. It is called the Public Integrity in Elections Act. It was based upon a lawsuit I filed in 2004 to prevent the Greater Boise Auditorium District from using hotel tax revenues to support a bond issue. The Idaho Supreme Court ruled that public money could not be used for that purpose. The law simply does not apply where a public official is not supporting or opposing a specific candidate or ballot measure.

According to an article in the Idaho Education News, Labrador’s inquiry into the matter was based upon a complaint made by the four Magic Valley members of the so-called Gang of Eight–Senators Glenneda Zuiderveld and Josh Kohl and Reps. Clint Hostetler and David Leavitt. They are rather legendary for voting against public school funding and a wide variety of other important public programs. Dairymen, water users and other agricultural groups have targeted the four this year. Labrador is ideologically aligned with them and has been doing his level best to support their re-election.

He famously keynoted a “Liberty Dinner” in Twin Falls on March 28 to publicly support the election of the four legislators, much to the chagrin of the official Republican organizations in the Magic Valley. An enterprising reporter might inquire as to whether public funds or property were used for Labrador’s transportation and lodging for the trip.

Since then, Labrador provided political cover to Kohl, Zuiderveld and several other far-right legislators for their vote on an aspect of his office budget. An April 16 press release on his office website castigated an organization for running ads critical of the legislators. He amplified his support for the targeted legislators in a subsequent press report.

As a matter of fact, Labrador has taken to using the platform of his public office to make full-throated endorsements of his political soulmates. Sen. Zuiderveld announced on April 20, that Labrador had praised her and called for her re-election. His endorsement proclaims, “I’m proud to endorse Senator Glenneda Zuiderveld for re-election and ask you to support her in the Republican primary on May 19.” One does not have to research the 2024 vote tallies to learn who was the object of his affection.

On April 16, Rep. David Leavitt announced on Facebook that he had gotten Labrador’s endorsement. If one takes a close look at the photo, it is clear that it was taken on the grounds of the State Capitol. That stately building looms in the background. Again, one need not research voting statistics to figure out who Labrador is supporting.

Another Labrador endorsement seeks to defeat a sitting legislator. Since the Attorney General is the statutory lawyer for legislators, it seems to be a bit of a conflict of interest to try to unseat one of your clients. Be that as it may, Labrador is publicly targeting Senator Jim Guthrie, a legislator who is highly respected for his courage and competence. Labrador has endorsed Guthrie’s opponent, David Worley, a Christian nationalist who was relieved of his command in the Idaho National Guard for misconduct. Worley was found by the Assistant Adjutant of the Guard to have demonstrated counterproductive leadership that reduced morale, eroded trust and showed little respect for others. Worley sued the Guard, seeking reinstatement and compensation. He lost in court but gained Labrador’s endorsement.

The timing of the spurious accusation against Mr. Smallwood is also suspicious. Labrador’s Magic Valley soulmates sought help shortly after Smallwood made his comments. The basic facts were publicly reported on January 13. Labrador waited until April 23, just a few weeks before the primary election, to release his letter accusing Smallwood of breaking the law. By that time, Labrador had a glaring conflict of interest because he had endorsed the candidacy of several Gang of Eight members who stand to benefit from his unfounded accusation against Smallwood.

 

Starting with the problem

Starting with the problem

May 10, 2026

Does anyone in Oregon think Measure 120, sustaining last year’s legislation on transportation taxes and fees, will pass? Anyone?

Anyone who does seems to be well hidden, just like any supporters of the measure, the substance of which passed just last year with majority support in the legislature and signature by the governor.

The state’s Democratic political leadership appears to have abandoned it completely. And the Oregon Department of Transportation, where most of the money raised is intended to go, likely isn’t one of the most popular in state government.

The only electoral curiosity left seems to be how few voters will opt to uphold the transportation funding package.

This month’s election will not end the story, of course. It already is beginning anew.

The real question now is whether Oregon leaders will try their same policy development process yet again, or approach transportation funding in a different way that might generate more public support.

Actually, passage of Measure 120 wouldn’t end the story either. During the 2025 session, this complicated round of transportation funding started with this base point (from Democrats at least): $14.6 billion over 10 years is what was needed to meet the state’s transportation needs. The eventual passed legislation (now in the form of Measure 120), provided less than a third of that, $4.3 billion over 10 years. That scale down doesn’t seem to be a result of revised estimates of need, but only of what number could clear the legislature (as that one did only barely). So Measure 120, even if passed, would be far from a panacea.

The question remains what should be done now, without even the recent funding bandaid in place.

The essential problem underlying all this is not hard to understand. Inflation has hit road construction, maintenance and repair hard, and that has combined with a squeeze on the top source of revenue for the work: gas taxes, which are under downward pressure from higher-mileage  and new electric vehicles and (especially recently) overall higher gas prices.

On April 30, a group called by Gov. Tina Kotek met to start considering what to do next. The committee is expected to meet monthly until around the end of the year.

At its first session, it heard reports from a variety of transportation professionals. An ODOT speaker warned that soon, without more funding, the agency may be reduced to paving interstate routes and not much else. An Association of Oregon Counties speaker said that, “Without new revenue over about the next five years, more than 4,500 miles of county roads will go without critical maintenance work and then will quickly deteriorate beyond repair.”

Presumably, the group will come up with a new set of numbers — some new collection of taxes and fees — for delivery to the 2027 legislative session. Its mission appears to include finding a new funding model for Oregon transportation, which means shifting but also increasing the state’s taxes, fees or other money sources.

At that point, once such a recommendation surfaces, the legislature presumably will try to do what it did in the last (special) session. After that, some groups of people in Oregon — especially those who might wind up paying more, as someone would have to — will mobilize against it.

That easily could result in another referendum in two years leading to another dead transportation package. And Oregon’s transportation system will continue to deteriorate.

The best route to an answer – and the working group could help lead this – could be to first clearly and specifically, in detail, describe the problem and what will happen without more funding, and initially holding off on the solution.

It’s counterintuitive: The usual and often the best approach for governments — and for columnists too, for that matter — is to link the problem and the solution, lest the problem seem unsolvable.

The deterioration of Oregon’s roads may be an exception, because all of the funding solutions in view seem vulnerable to the same criticisms likely to doom Measure 120.

What if the transportation group were to focus exclusively, at the beginning, on defining the nature of the problem, and at first putting stabs at a solution on a back burner?

And then suppose they took that discussion around the state, from region to region, bringing the receipts: Here is what is likely to happen locally, over the next five or ten years, to roadways in this area if funding isn’t somehow increased significantly. Central to making this work would be conducting these efforts as high-profile and broadly inclusive, as possible, with local voices heard at length. The quarter-million petition signers who put Measure 120 on the ballot should be specifically invited.

Then — and only then — the group should pose the question: Given this situation, what do you want to do? Is it your choice to drive on deteriorating roads? If not, then how do you propose to fix them? Where should the money come from?

If the public (and Republicans) were more broadly and openly brought into this process, legislative candidates – during the upcoming campaign season – might be pressured to weigh in with answers as well. Out of all this, something approaching a solution with public buy-in just might emerge.

It’s worth a try. For now, well-meaning efforts developed from the top down and through committees all seem doomed to failure. Leadership of a different sort seems to be called for here.

This column originally appeared in the Oregon Capital Chronicle.

 

Cross-messaging

Cross-messaging

May 8, 2026

In Idaho, eight candidates are competing for the Republican nomination for governor. More or less: “Competing” isn’t exactly the right word.

Count it as close to a certainty as politics gets that Brad Little, the incumbent and twice the party’s nominee for the office (not to mention a two-time general election winner), will prevail in this month’s primary election. He has vastly more money than any of the others, and more than that he is far better known, has strong organizational support, an experienced campaign structure and more.

You could ask the same of the little-known Republican candidates for the three congressional offices, where the incumbents are about as certain to win their nominations again. (I say “nearly” only out of a point of rigor: Nothing absolutely happens until it happens.) And much of all this applies to other non-Republican candidates too.)

So if there is no plausible chance of winning, what do the other seven contenders think - assuming they’re not delusional - they’re doing?

There can be rational reasons. You could run as a protest candidate, to express disapproval of the frontrunner and bring criticisms to a wider audience. Or to shine a spotlight, or at least light a match,illuminate an idea or cause not getting needed attention.

Taken on that level, let’s quickly run through these GOP governor contenders, with an assist from an efficient May 6 overview in the Idaho Ed News.

Mark Fitzpatrick, maybe the best known of the group and certainly holder of the largest campaign treasury (after Little), has spoken on some standard-issue Republican issues like “waste, fraud and corruption.” But his focus seems better represented in his profile on the state Republican Party website: “Mark Fitzpatrick is a faith driven husband, father of six, retired police officer, successful entrepreneur, and owner of Old State Saloon in Eagle, Idaho, along with a wedding venue dedicated to celebrating traditional marriage. A lifelong Republican from a conservative law enforcement family, he homeschools his children and stands as a bold culture warrior. He founded ‘Heterosexual Awesomeness Month’ to champion biblical family design and has pursued other unapologetic conservative initiatives that gained global viral attention.”

Okay. I think we got it.

Daniel Fowler came to Idaho in 2020 and spoke of wanting to “fix” public schools, with tax vouchers being a help toward that end.

Ethan Giles said on the state GOP website, “I’m running for Governor to clean up our state debt.

We must reverse those tax cuts that gave our surplus away! We must also redirect the school voucher program into Special Education.” He may want to do a little more research on state finances; while there’s plenty to criticize in Idaho tax policy, the state government is not running a deficit, partly because it cannot under the state constitution. But that seems to be his cause.

Justin Plante is a mechanic from Kimberly, and his concern seems broader: “All I’ve done is fix things my whole life. The government’s no different.”

Lisa Marie of Eagle, a second-time candidate for governor, is an advocate for missing children.

Ron James is the one in this group who holds a public office, that of Teton County commissioner. He also probably comes closest to being an in-party rebel, saying Little hasn’t been communicative and legislators vote for their ideology rather than their constituents. Like Marie, he didn’t have a page on the state Republican website.

Sean Calvert Crystal may be the most interesting of the bunch. His party website page focuses on his conservative views (“I believe in limited government, personal responsibility, accountability, and protecting individual freedoms”) but there’s only a glancing allusion to his business in Idaho Falls: 710 Spectrum, which its website says “aspires to illuminate the path to quality, affordability, and excellence in the cannabis world.”

None of them, by the way, seem to have anything to say about President Trump.

It’s a varied group, though. A vote for any of them would send a message. Choose carefully.

 

Corruption

May 7, 2026

I don’t make such claims lightly.

Our previous Director of The Department of Health and Welfare, Alex Adams closed down a program for families to care for their disabled children funded with federal money with such claims. Back when I was on the Board of H&W, when there was a board, before the legislature in its wisdom cancelled the board, I asked him if any accusations of fraud were referred to our Attorney General. He mumbled something. No prosecutions have followed.

So a director, appointed by our Governor can shut down a funded program on unfounded allegations.

I get it. You conservative Republicans don’t want any taxpayer dollars going to the “unfit, the needy, the disabled”. You just want our taxpayer dollars going to families who want their kids to go to private, Christian schools.

Please, if you are concerned about fraud, you Conservative Idaho Republicans, wake up and watch $186M dollars shoot out to folks a few legislators think should get it.

For that’s what our Senator Crapo championed, and our congressional delegation (all Trump lackeys) voted for. According to the federal website, Idaho has received $186M dollars and it is in some account somewhere at the Idaho DHW.

But the Idaho legislature must approve any of this spending. They have set the delegating committee as 8 members, all Republican, but what does that mean here in Idaho?

The Department has great plans. I apologize for my cynicism. When I read the plans, they sound like gobbledygook. Please read them, you folks out there in rural Idaho and tell me if that’s what you think you need.

There’s a lot of cyber, technology, AI references in there. Just who do you think is going to get that money? Not Syringa General Hospital, or Clearwater Valley, or Lost Rivers. No, these grants will go to the big companies selling these services, whose employees live in Seattle and San Francisco.

We are getting fleeced. Our national debt is exploding, our health care system is a mess, and this grant program throws more dog bits to a very fat dog.

And our legislators have designed a system to funnel that money to whomever buys them the best lunch.

I hate to tell you, but we here in Idaho are small potatoes. A million-dollar grant can be awarded for a persuading $50 lunch.

And the Co-Chair of this committee, Jordan Redman has already faced charges of self-serving as a public servant.

So legislators could be acting badly. This is just old news. I’ve seen it before, maybe you have too.

Here’s the crippling coda.

The federal legislation to send this $1B to Idaho included a stipulation that the state would continue to support the programs developed.

Can you imagine the Idaho legislature coughing up another $200M a year to the Idaho DHW to fund AI kiosks in our small towns? And what would these AI kiosks do to help small communities thrive?

We are ripe for corruption. I have seen it in our Capitol. A person in charge of dispersing grants for school internet fudged the granting process. And that was just $25M. Somebody sued, the court found the process bad, and Idaho lost.

Now we are upping the ante.

Forking out grants while you are slicing the Medicaid program may hope to soften the blow. That’s just feeding into the deep corruption we already have.

Instead we need to be asking some very fundamental questions.

Should we all have access to healthcare?

What should our basic healthcare look like?

How should this system be paid for?

The United States pays per person almost twice what the next country in the world pays. We are rich. And we are wasting a wonderful opportunity to be great.

 

Independents could make a difference

May 4, 2026

There are currently almost 260,000 independent or unaffiliated voters in Idaho. Every one of them can cast their vote on the Republican ticket in the May 19 primary election. All they have to do is change their registration from “Unaffiliated” to “Republican.” They can do it from now until election day. On election day, May 19, they merely tell the election officials that they wish to register as a Republican. They should not take “no” for an answer because some officials are unaware of this fact.

Idaho has about 630,000 registered Republicans at present. Voter turnout for Idaho’s recent primary elections averages around 30%. That means there will probably be about 189,000 Republicans voting in the primary election this year. As many as half of Idaho Republicans are the traditional, reasonable variety, who have little regard for the extreme culture war variety. If a significant number of unaffiliated voters register to vote in the GOP primary, they could help the traditional Republicans break the stranglehold that culture warriors hold over our legislative offices.

In the 2024 primary election, culture warrior extremists beat a number of reasonable Republicans in close, low-turnout Senate races. In Legislative District 6, extremist Dan Foreman beat Robert Blair with a vote of 3,396 to 2,983 with a turnout of just 23% of registered voters. In District 9, culture warrior Brandon Shippy defeated Scott Syme, an excellent legislator, by a vote of 4,404 to 4,114 with a 22.2% voter turnout. District 13 saw Brian Lenney beating an outstanding public servant, Jeff Agenbroad, by 2,695 to 2,154 with a turnout of 19%. In District 20, Josh Keyser, an Idaho newcomer, used an ugly campaign to defeat Chuck Winder, a distinguished Idahoan, by 3,208 to 2,926–a turnout of 17.6%. Culture war extremist Josh Kohl used a nasty campaign in District 25 to beat Linda Hartgen, a dedicated public servant, by 3,008 to 1,761– a 23.9% turnout.

Unaffiliated voters have it within their power to elect enough Senators and Representatives to put a stop to the divisive politics that have been the hallmark of the culture warriors. The extremists continually raise fake issues to stir up fear and anger in order to tar their opponents and harvest votes. Independents need to step forward to participate in the Republican primary because that is where most of our leaders are elected. In today’s Idaho, the person who wins the Republican primary is all-too-often the one who prevails in the general election.

With regard to those running in the May 19 primary, there are a number of sources where all voters can find out about the candidates competing for legislative positions. In my estimation, the best source is the very comprehensive Take Back Idaho Voter Guide. It can be found at https://idahovoters.com/.

The Guide does not endorse candidates. Rather, it contains detailed legislative profiles, candidate histories, and key news stories, plus insights into candidate’s campaign finances and affiliations. It provides an in-depth, even-handed view of candidates. It is an indispensable guide for voters.

A new source of voter information has been produced by Neighbors Organized for Voice and Action (NOVA). The group has prepared an Affordability Index, which rates sitting legislators on a number of votes on bills pertaining to affordability in the 2026 legislative session. It can be found at–https://www.novaidaho.org/2026-affordability-index. The NOVA index provides pertinent information but does not endorse candidates.

Another place where information about candidates can be found is the Idaho Freedom Foundation’s Idaho Index. It can be found at https://index.idahofreedom.org/.

The index rates legislators on a variety of extremist legislation and spending issues. The higher the rating on the freedom index, the more extreme the legislator is. Legislators with the highest ratings on the spending index are those who have voted to starve or kill important state programs–public education, Medicaid, child care, higher education and a wide variety of other state services. The top-rated legislators are folks who delight in culture warfare and destruction of government. They include Senators Christy Zito, Glenneda Zuiderveld and Josh Kohl and Representatives Lucas Cayler, David Leavitt and Clint Hostetler. It provides voters a rogues gallery of those to avoid at all costs.

Unaffiliated voters can and should exercise their lawful right to vote in the May 19 Republican primary. A relatively small fraction of Idaho’s 260,000 independent voters could return Idaho to the time when responsive, responsible governing was the hallmark of the Gem State, instead of the divisive, culture war hellscape it has become. The future of Idaho is in your hands, independents, please stand up and speak out with your vote on May 19.

 

Hill steepens in Oregon 5th

Hill steepens in Oregon 5th

May 3, 2026

In 2022, after Oregon’s new map for congressional districts was set in place, the state emerged with a high number of competitive U.S. House districts: Three out of six were Democratic-leaning, but not by enough to lock out Republicans. Nationally, fewer than a fifth of districts usually meet that description.

The 2022 election gave Democrats two of those three seats. Then-Labor Commissioner Val Hoyle won the 4th District, which includes Eugene, Corvallis and much of Oregon’s coast, while then-state Rep. Andrea Salinas captured the 6th District in the Willamette Valley, though both contests were competitive.

Voters elected Republican Lori Chavez-DeRemer in the more closely-matched 5th District, based around Clackamas County on the west side and Deschutes County on the east.

In 2024, even while Republicans did well nationally, Hoyle and Salinas seemed to solidify their positions, while Democrat Janelle Bynum ousted Chavez-DeRemer in another close race.

This year, while the 4th and 6th districts seem to be slipping out of easy reach for Republicans, you could make an argument that the 5th District, which flipped control twice after two very close races, ought to be a hot battleground once again.

But it doesn’t look that way.

Two years ago, the Cook Political Report regularly rated the Oregon 5th a “toss-up” race. This year, it calls it “likely Democratic,” and the national parties seem less interested in it than in the last two elections.

Two Republicans are competing in the upcoming primary election: Deschutes County Commissioner Patti Adair and law school student (and legal extern) and activist Jonathan Lockwood. Adair is the clear front-runner. She has reported raising substantial funds (about $272,000 by the end of March), while Lockwood didn’t report any (which legally means no more than $5,000).

Lockwood’s website reports no endorsements from fellow Republicans, while Adair’s endorsement page is packed with them, including two leading Republican gubernatorial contenders (Christine Drazan and Ed Diehl), numerous legislators and county officials and the Oregon Farm Bureau and Oregon Young Republicans. Adair has been organizing since at least last fall, and it shows.

Put it this way: An Adair loss in the primary would be a major upset.

The general election is another story.

Start with fundraising. Adair’s $272,000 is not bad for a congressional challenger at this point, but her treasury may be swamped by Bynum’s current $3 million.

Adair, of Sisters, has a political base in Deschutes County, where she has twice been elected commissioner; elections for commission are partisan in Deschutes. But that base seems far from overwhelming. She won with 50.5% in 2018 and 50.9% in 2022, results even closer than the last two contests in the 5th Congressional District.

The year may be critical too. Like the leading Republican contenders for governor, Adair has barely if at all mentioned the name of Donald Trump, though control of the U.S. House is a key factor in what the second half of this Trump term looks like — and is a central issue in congressional races nationally. The public pages of her website appear to lack specific references to the president, even in a press release criticizing a recent Bynum budget vote in which Trump was directly involved.

She has ties to Trump, however. In 2016 she was a delegate to the Republican National Convention bound to support Trump.

The Trump administration filtered into her commission activities. In February 2025, she was part of the 2-1 commission majority opting to end the county Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Access Committee, described as working on matters such as “pay disparities between male and female county employees, improving access for hearing and visually impaired residents and other accessibility initiatives.” The decision was locally controversial; it followed orders by Trump to end federal (though not state or local) DEI activities.

Adair said at that meeting, “We’re following the president from the top… the federal government is in charge of a lot of funding that comes to Deschutes County, and I would hate to lose it.”

All that will provide grist for Bynum, the extremely probable Democratic nominee. (She does have an opponent, Zeva Rosenbaum, a first-time candidate and a progressive activist who has reported no campaign receipts or spending.)

A sense of what may be coming from Bynum’s campaign might be drawn from the opening lines of her comments on February 24 after Trump’s state of the union address: ““Tonight, I watched President Trump spend the majority of his speech lying about the state of our economy, demonizing immigrants, attacking voting rights, and spewing more of the same divisive BS. I can’t say I’m surprised. It’s past time the President starts doing his job and putting the American people first.”

In 2026, arguments like that may make the 5th District Republican campaign a distinctly uphill journey.

This column originally appeared in the Oregon Capital Chronicle.

Dirk Kempthorne

Dirk Kempthorne

May 1, 2026

When I arrived for new student orientation at the University of Idaho in August 1974, the second person I met, welcoming us all on the tour bus, was the new student president, Dirk Kempthorne. He was a great greeter - really, my introducer to Idaho.

From right then I could tell: To the degree people simply have innate political and campaigning talents, you could see them in Kempthorne, who died on April 24. Over the next academic year I observed him in my role as a student newspaper reporter covering the student government. The idea that he might end up in higher office in the “real world” was thought a possibility.

To meet him at any point in his adult life was to encounter a courteous, self-possessed, able communicator well capable of navigating whatever social waters he encountered. He really was well suited for politics.

What I didn’t know on orientation day but learned later was that Kempthorne already had been through a political wringer. The February student election was contentious, with Kempthorne facing initially one opponent, Jeff Stoddard, then a third entry, Rod Gramer (in the years since a prominent regional journalist and education advocate). Kempthorne was a plurality and not a majority winner, and the question of what might have happened if Gramer had not entered - as in many such cases - has been hashed over ever since by those who were around at the time.

But there was more. After the election a student activist named John Orwick filed a petition saying the election rules had been violated (he didn’t allege any candidate was responsible) with the implication that the election results should be thrown out. That wrangling went on for weeks until time came to swear in the new student officers, and at that point Orwick agreed to drop the challenge. His pullback followed discussions with Kempthorne which convinced him the new president would work to change and improve the election process (which he did). Kempthorne announced that decision, adding, "John decided to withdraw his petition so the people who took the oath of office tonight wouldn't have to worry about being bounced out of office.”

Over the years ahead, Kempthorne seemed to have the golden touch in Idaho politics, reaching a succession of offices - Boise mayor, U.S. senator, Idaho governor, Interior secretary - no one else has matched.

That does not mean it was all automatic. Sometimes he happened to be in the right place at the right time. And some of it involved something more.

Kempthorne’s political trajectory really began with his successful race for Boise mayor in 1985. But that candidacy did not come out of nowhere. It emerged from what was then a roiling stew of Boise politics, over the unlikely subject of downtown redevelopment: The leaders of city hall had one vision for how that should proceed, and an increasingly large and popular opposition had another. That well-organized opposition won two seats on the Boise City council in 1983, and was poised for a takeover in 1985. Its leadership picked out a slate of contenders from across the political spectrum. A key question: Who should they choose for mayor? Maybe someone new, who could project well across a wide range of people?

Dirk Kempthorne, who was just one among several serious prospects, emerged from that selection process, and he was an excellent choice. His run for mayor - helped by riding a popular insurgency - was smooth and efficient. After he won, his tenure as mayor won widespread applause, and he remarkably won re-election unopposed. His elections to the Senate and the governorship were not surprising.

From a distance, all of this would look easy, and in hindsight, almost foreordained.

But the point here is that even in the case of well-timed political talent, there are hinges that can swing either way, and can choke off a path of progress as easily as enable it. Dirk Kempthorne seemed to understand those hinges, in politics and often in government as well, well. He was able to make a difference as a result.